Makua Means Parents
A Brief Cultural History of Makua Valley
By Marion Kelly and Nancy Aleck
Published by the American Friends Service Committee-Hawai'i Area Program
December 1997
Polynesians first sailed their voyaging canoes to these islands from the South Pacific, perhaps as early as two thousand years ago. They came to Ka Pae 'Aina (the Hawaiian Archipelago), bringing with them the knowledge their ancestors had gathered over many centuries of living on small islands all across the Pacific Ocean. The first Kanaka Maoli (Hawaiian People; literally, the true people) already knew the rules for preserving their natural resources. They knew how to create everything they needed from limited amounts of land and from the sea around them. They brought with them an understanding of the fragile nature of an island environment. Their culture, their daily lifestyle, and their belief system reflected their awareness of the need to preserve island resources for themselves and for their children.
The culture of Kanaka Maoli was based on the belief that the land and the sea and everything on the land and in the sea was created by their gods for people to use and enjoy. Kanaka Maoli recognized the gifts of their gods by caring for them and creating conditions that made them productive. They devoted their lives to attain harmony among themselves, their gods and their environment.
Kanaka Maoli cultivators and fishermen practiced concern and vigilance in every aspect of daily life. As careful observers of their environment, they translated what they saw into codes of human conduct; they produced those things needed to survive without destroying nature's resources for future generations.
In a valley such as Makua, where rainfall and fresh water resources are relatively sparse, keeping alive the knowledge of successful practices is imperative. The presence of heiau (temples) and ko'a (fishing shrines) in the area suggests intense involvement and attention to these activities.
With the introduction of the market economy into Hawai'I by western traders in the late 1700s and changes to land tenure in the mid-1800s, commercial values infiltrated the values of Kanaka Maoli society. The basic practice of Hawaiians was to use the land and sea to provide all people with the necessities of life. It was replaced by the practice of using the natural resources of the land to bring the greatest possible profits to the landowners.
A century later, military use and occupation in Makua dealt an even greater blow. It destroyed the natural environment and furthered the alienation of land from the native tenants.
PRE-COLONIAL MAKUA
The mo'olelo (oral histories) of Wai'anae claim the entire coastline from Ka'ena to Kawaihapai as a wahi pana (sacred place). It was here that the Kanaka Maoli were formed from the 'aina (land). It is here that our spirits return to Po (the spirit realm) at Leina a Ka'uhane (soul's leap). Makua means parents: it is the site where Papa (the earth-mother) and Wakea (the sky-father) meet.
Kaneana Cave was said to be the dwelling place of the shark-man. His lover was a mo'o (guardian lizard) who could change into a beautiful woman. They would meet at the rock below the cave where the stream meets the ocean - pohaku kula'ila'i. Both the cave and, at certain times, the stream, were kapu (sacred; off limits). It is likely that a heiau ko'a was nearby.
Many ancient legends are linked with Makua, but little is known with certainty about the earliest times. A fishing village probably dominated Makua Beach where a number of ko'a stood (one was still there in the 1930s). The ocean off Makua Beach was once a rich resource for many kind of fish, shellfish, and limu (seaweed). The beach was an important canoe landing for travelers between the Wai'anae and Waialua districts.
At one time there were at least five fresh water springs in the interior of the valley. Agriculture was practiced in the lower vallley. At least three large heiau (temples) are known of: Kumuakuopi'o, a large agricultural heiau; Ka'ahihi; and Ukanipo, used for burial rites. In ancient times, the valley was known for its expert lua (Hawaiian martial arts) fighters.
Early census record by missionaries gave only one figure for the entire Wai'anae District, not by individual ahuapua'a (a traditional land division usually encompassing the land between two ridges from the mountain top to the sea). The population of Makua area was probably around 300 to 400 in pre-colonial times.
Emerson's view of Wai'anae was seen from the dusty road on the coast. Another view of the valley is that of a deep, spacious, green valley. There were endless terraces that once produced kalo (taro) and 'uala (sweet potatoes). Then, in the 1820s and 1830s, foreigners introduced western diseases. As a result, the Kanaka Maoli population was drastically reduced and the terraces were no longer cultivated.
Botanists throughout the 20th century have found upper Makua valley to be the location of one of O'ahu's most abundant collections of rare and endangered Hawaiian plants. Makua was known for its maile lauli'i. It was said that people walking along the beach could smell the fragrance of this small-leafed maile.
The Mahele of 1848 required Kanaka Maoli to file claims for their 'ohana (family) lands. About 200 acres were eventually awarded to Hawaiian families in Makua. It can be assumed that Makua Valley was well cultivated, since one of the requirements for a kuleana claimant was that his land had to be used to grow crops to feed his family.
Makua Valley was made Government Land by Kamehameha III at the time of the 1848 Mahele, and sixteen kuleana were awarded in Makua Valley in the 1850s. The rest remained Government Land that was leased out by the government to non-Kanaka Maoli for ranching.
CIVILIAN OCCUPATION OF MAKUA
Beginning in the 1860s and after, there were at least two well-known western family names involved in ranching in Makua. Samuel Andrews was the son of Judge Lorrin Andrews. Rather than follow in his father's footsteps and become a missionary, Samuel Andrews chose to be a rancher. He was comfortable living and working with Kanaka Maoli. Andrews raised a family with Malaea Naiwi, whose home originally had been in Waimea, Hawai'i. Most of their children took their mother's surname. Andrews lived in Makua until Naiwi died in 1897. Shortly thereafter Andrews sold his lease to Lincoln Mccandless, including some kuleana in the valley that he had acquired. McCandless became a major landowner in Makua Valley, as well as other places on O'ahu. The Commercial Advertiser called him "Link the land Baron," and said he made a specialty of getting kuleana from native tenants (October 20, 1908).
It became increasingly difficult for the Kanaka Maoli families who remained in the valley to live surrounded by ranching activities, so they eventually moved to the coastal area. Originally, sweet potato was the basic crop; land near the freshwater springs was used for kalo. People interviewed in 1975 remembered crops of cucumber, watermelon, pumpkin, sweet potato, cotton, tabacco and corn grown in the lower part of the valley. Although rainfall was limited, wells pumped by windmills furnished somewhat brackish water for residents. Brackish water ponds existed most of the year, some providing habitats for edible fish.
Paniolo Days
Young Hawaiian and other local boys worked as cowboys for McCandless from their early teens. Roping wild cattle in the forests of Makau was an art, and only a few achieved proficiency at it. In addition to cattle, several hundred pigs were kept on Makua Ranch. Wild pigs that often took over the feeding troughs, were caught and given to the cowboys.
Today, the influence of rooting pigs and browsing goats is evident within the native forest of Makua. Native flora ground cover has been removed, soil erosion has depleted some species, and native plants have been eaten or overtaken by introduced species.
Those who lived at Makua before 1947 have vivid memories of the trains that came and went, all signs of which have now nealy completely disappeared. For almost fifty years the train was Makua's most important link, bringing news, supplies, and people, and taking cattle and surplus produce and fish to the markets of Wai'anae, 'Ewa, and Honolulu. Most of the Japanese who lived in Makua Valley in the early 1900s came as railroad workers and stayed at the Section Camp. For a dollar a day pay they built and maintained the track.
At least once a year the church communities from Waialua and from the Wai'anae coast would gather at Makua Church for a Saturday evening concert and services the following day.
The first written mention of Makua Church is found in a minister's 1860 complaint about the parishioners dancing. When he tried to put a stop to this, however, the people resisted. Makua Church was one of the Hawaiian Protestant Congregational Churches, but it remained relatively independent when most others joined the United Church Council. Although the church was destroyed by the military during World War II, the Makua congregation still maintains the cemetery and is gradually restoring the area.
MILITARY OCCUPATION OF MAKUA
U.S. military use of Makua Valley dates from the 1920s when first acquired three parcels in the upper floor of the valley for howitzer emplacements. Condemnation proceedings, or notice to turn over, or sell lands were begun with the valley residents. Public notice in the newspaper called on those who might have title to appear in court to certify their claims. No one (with the exeption of L.L. McCandless) was paid for condemned parcels. Military war games in the 1930s first used Makua for amphibious landings.
At War in the Pacific
After the bombing of Pearl Harbor in 1941, the US Army took over the entire Makua-Kaena Point area for military security and training operations. At this time there were about 3,000 people living along the Wai'anae Coast. World War II changed the use of the valley dramatically. It was transformed from a relatively peaceful cattle ranch into a busy garrison. The remaining kuleana residents, the railroad workers, and the McCandless Estate ranch were told to leave the valley. Structures were demolished by target practice, fences torn down, pipelines cut, fishing holes bombed, and fresh water wells were used as dumps for waste oil.
Up to 1943, Makua had been used mainly for howitzers and troops bivouacs. Newly modified training activities changed the valley into an area of intensive joint Army-Navy maneuvers. The Navy sent planes to bomb the valley, while battleships shelled it from the ocean and troops were landed from amphibious crafts. White crosses were painted on the roofs of homes and on the Church and church hall, and the sites were bombed. Even gravestones in Makua cemetery were damaged by live target practice. The number of military personnel on O'ahu rose to 400,000, many of whom lived in a tent city in Makua Valley.
A permit issued by the Territory in 1943 specified that military use of the area was to be "for the duration of the present war [WWII] and six months thereafter." This "Revocable Permit 200" also agreed that upon relinquishment of the area, the military authorities would "remove all its property and return the premisesc[in] a condition satisfactory to the Commissioner of Public Lands."
World War II in the Pacific ended in August, 1945. As early as November of that year, Territory of Hawai'i Governor Stainback called for the return of Makua. "I feel strongly that these lands should be made available to the public again and not permanently removed from their enjoyment," he wrote to the US War Department. His request was denied. The Army by now had plans for a permanent Makua training area.
The Statehood Admission Act of 1959 allowed the Federal government to reserve land for military purposes. This formed the basis for President Johnson's Executive Order in 1964 which reserved the interior portion of the valley as Makua Military Reservation. This also provided a 65-year lease to the Army for the lower portion of the valley. The cost to the Army was $1.00 for the term of the lease. The coastal area was granted from the federal government to the State as a public trust and allowed for public access and use, except when training activities would present a danger.
At War in Makua
To this day, military activities continue at Makua. The local population of the Wai'anae Coast has swelled to over 40,000 people. The Army controls approximately 4,200 acres in Makua Valley and uses the land 75% of the time. Training activities have included ground maneuvers, amphibious landings, naval and air bombardment, helicopter strafing, mortar and artillery fire, mustard gas and napalm use. They also include open burn and open detonation (OBOD) of old ammunition and other waste from military sites all over O'ahu. Bombing and fires caused by live-fire training have damaged cultural sites, burned forest and killed many of the endangered plant and animal species native to the valley. Lead and various cancer-causing toxins have been introduced into the air, land and water.
In 1955 the Army said that Makua Valley was so contaminated that it was not practical to return it. However, this did not stop them from continuing to harm the environment. In 1977 the military again pointed out how expensive it would be to de-dud Makua. Peter Apo, who was then working with the Wai'anae Hawaiian Heritage Center, replied, "Even if it takes a hundred years to restore the Valley it obviously makes more sense to start now than to keep bombing." But the Army insisted. In 1988 they wrote that it "would not be feasible in either terms of time or money, to clear unexploded ordnance from Makua Military Reservation."
In November of 1992, the Army applied for a permit from the Environmental Protection Agency to permanently conduct open burn/open detonation (OBOD) of waste munitions. Following public outcry, this request was withdrawn. However, 95% of the OBOD done at Makua is classified as "training" and is exempt from EPA regulations. This type of "training" continues to this day and is not subject to public review.
Department of Defense policy is to return target lands only after all explosives are cleared. Continuing the training exercises and burning will guarantee that cleaning Makua Valley will eventually be impossible, making it unsafe for anyone to ever use tha land. This has occurred in Waikane Valley, where the military leased land from the Kamaka family for live ammunition training. When they were through, the Marine Corps never cleaned up the land as it promised in the lease. Instead, they claimed that the Kamaka property was now too hazardous for human use and too costly to clean up. The condemned land, was made it off-limits to the public, including the Kamaka family, forever!
At War with a Culture
Rare and endangered plants and animals struggle to maintain their habitats within Makua. Another form of life is also endangered: the people. Relationship to the land is primary in Hawaiian culture. But, public access to the Makua Valley is limited and under strict military control. Because of Makua's bounty and beauty, Hawaiian and other local residents have always been drawn there to practice a simple and traditional lifestyle. Despite consistent live-fire training in the upper valley, some have found refuge at Makua beach. For centuries, Kanaka Maoli have gone to Makua to fish, gather salt, and teach their children about their heritage. These practices are expressions of Kanaka Maoli cultural and religious way of life developed over millenia to serve the needs of the 'ohana. Today, the government labels such families "squatters." For more than two decades, people have been consistently evicted from Makua Beach.
In 1965 a motion picture company was allowed use of Makua Beach for the filming of the movie Hawai'i. To accommodate the movie company's needs, the state requested the police to see that all "squatters" were removed.
Then, in 1969 the Division of State Parks began an effort to create a Makau-Ka'ena Point State Park, which included Makua Valley, the Makua-Kea'au, Mokule'ia, and Kua-okala Forest Reserves, with Peacock Flats to be left as a protected wilderness area. The Army was again unwilling to release the land at Makua.
At the time of this original study in 1977, fifty-two dwellings were counted on the beach at Makua. During that year, one of the earliest protests was held. Two hundred Kanaka Maoli and supporters placed a flag at the Army's locked gate, claiming Makua for the people.
After Huriicane Iwa destroyed the homes of about 40 people lliving at Makua Beach in 1982, the State sent police, dogs, and machinery to stop them from rebuilding. Kokua Makua 'Ohana was formed, and in January of 1983 six people were arrested for "obstructing governmental operations." These resisters, "The Makua Six," argued that the land belonged to the Hawaiian nation and that they had the right to exercise traditional and customary practice of subsistence, culture and religion. Several hundred people rallied in support of the Makau residents.
As many as 300 people were living at Makua Beach in the fall of 1995. Some had been there for years. Most, who called it home, found it a healing place, a pu'uhonua. On June 18, 1996, 16 people were arrested when state authorities evicted families from Makua Beach. State bulldozers demolished their dwellings. The news media was barred from covering this eviction, the third eviction at Makua since 1983.
Despite these repeated attempts to deny them their traditional practices at Makua, Kanka Maoli continue to exeert their cultural rights there. On July 12, 1997, nearly ten thousand mourners gathered at Makua Beach to bid farewell to singer/song-writer Israel Kamakawiwo'ole and scatter his ashes at sea. Two days later, the Marine Corps announced plans to land nearly 700 California-based troops in those same waters and march them across the beach for war games in the valley. Strong community opposition forced the cancellation of the September exercises, but the Marine Corps has stated that it intends to conduct amphibious landings at Makua twice a year.
In the more than 50 years of battle training, the war against the traditional life of Makua has not been a "training exercises." In other areas of the world where the U.S. military has engaged in a real war, it has, at the end of hostilities, returned the land to the people and helped to restore it. This is not so of Hawaiian Land.
The military occupation of Makua Valley, their use of the beach, the destruction of sacred sites and endangered species habitats, and the consistent eviction of people from Makua Beach are all harming the 'aina and slowly killing the culture. This is a form of cultural genocide - if the means for practicing the culture is destroyed, the culture eventually is destroyed.
In August of 1997, two Kanaka Maoli cultural structures were restored at Makua. Pohaku (stones) were gathered for the building of a paepae (foundation) named Papa Houna (Earth Foundation) and a for a kuahu (altar) dedicated to Kanaloa, the god of the seas. The enduring strength of the pohaku, the aloha that went into the construction, and the on-going malama for these sites by the community reflect the living spirit of the land and of the desire for its liberation.
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